"Sooner or later all the people of the world will have to discover a way to live together in peace thereby transforming this pending cosmic elegy into a creative psalm of harmony." Dr Martin Luther King Jnr in 1963 during the march on Washington DC
ZIMBABWEAN poets last Tuesday challenged the current political situation in a poetry session. Popular with young poets based in Harare and Chitungwiza the poetry slam, which ran under the theme "What next after GNU", saw poets being critical of the "complex" power-sharing agreement.
Most poets argued in their verses that the GNU concept was "disrespectful of the will of the people who voted against Zanu PF on March 29 2008". Anesu Katerere, who recited the poem Mother and Child, argued that the MDC-T was just a junior partner in this inclusive government as the Prime Minister is neither a head of state nor government. He said the future of the ordinary people -- "the grassroots mother and child" -- was not guaranteed in the power-sharing deal signed by the parties. The poem also ignited the issue of the national youth training programme which the parties recognised as desirable to inculcate values of patriotism, discipline, tolerance, non-violence, openness, democracy, equality, justice and respect.
Another poet, Acme Chinyani in his verse Anything Can Happen raised uncertainty over the result of the marriage between the three parties which the audience thought was a "pain-ease rather than a pain-killer". Poet Ishkold brought a new dimension to the poetry slam when he recited a poem on the black snake (a reference to corruption). "This black snake is not viper, adder or python or human. This black snake is greed. . ." Ishkold said. He attributed the woes the country faces to corruption by greedy politicians. In the spirit of entrenching accountability values in our leaders the poet suggested the black snake should be killed to realise national benefits for all rather than the elite few. This was complemented by Ticha Muzavazi's Chitima CheBhuruwayo, which satirically explored the history of past coalition governments in Zimbabwe from the Muzorewa/Smith Zimbabwe Rhodesia coalition of 1978 to the compromise government of 1980 and the Zanu PF/PF Zapu Unity accord government of 1987.
"Poets are not only wordsmiths but also vital stakeholders in shaping the destiny of Zimbabwe," said Shoes Robson, session convener. The poetry session was facilitated by the Zimbabwe Poets for Human Rights (ZPHR). ZPHR holds the human rights poetry forums once every month and aspires to create a genuine and sustainable national solution that will eventually pave the way for economic prosperity and creation of democratic space for all citizens. "The secret mode of the talks posed major flaws to the whole process," Robson said. "As a result the agreement is an inadequate tool in addressing the national crisis and other major issues like transitional justice and restoration of human rights." Relevant Links Southern Africa Zimbabwe The next poetry session is on October 29 at the US Embassy's Public Affairs auditorium in Harare
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe told his party Wednesday that sharing power with rivals is a “humiliation” but it has to be accepted because they lost the March elections.
Mugabe was shown on state television addressing a meeting of top Zanu PF party leaders called to prepare for dividing the Cabinet with two opposition factions as stipulated in a deal signed Monday. Mugabe loyalists will lose Cabinet seats to make room for the opposition.
“If only we had not blundered in the March ... elections we wouldn't be facing this humiliation,” he said. “This is what we have to deal with.”
While Mugabe's assessment was hardly gracious, it was an indication he would not abandon the accord, and should help calm fears his agreement to cede some power for the first time in 28 years might founder.
Long-simmering political differences and Zimbabwe's economic collapse loom over the Cabinet negotiations and some people have worried the parties aren't moving fast enough to implement the deal. A resurgence of violence, though, seems unlikely. The country has been largely calm since June, and both Mugabe and his rivals say they want the agreement to work.
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa told state television that the three parties involved would meet Thursday and could have a Cabinet by the end of the day. The meeting on allotting Cabinet posts had been expected Tuesday, but was delayed while Mugabe's party met on its own.
Zanu PF will name 15 ministers and eight deputy ministers and the two MDC factions will share 16 ministries and provide seven deputy ministers.
Earlier Wednesday, state media quoted Chinamasa as saying key aspects of the power-sharing deal would not go into effect until next month.
The constitution needs to be changed to create the post of Prime Minister, which is to be filled by Mugabe's main rival, Morgan Tsvangirai, who got the most votes in the first round of presidential balloting last March. Under the power-sharing deal, Mugabe remains President. - AP This story has also been published on the newzimbabwe website
KEY aspects of Zimbabwe's power-sharing deal will not go in effect until next month, a government official said Wednesday. Zimbabwe's constitution needs to be amended to create the post of Prime Minister, which is to be filled by opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai. Under the power-sharing deal signed Monday, Mugabe remains President. "These amendments would be tabled before parliament when it opens next month," Mugabe aide Patrick Chinamasa told the government-controlled Herald newspaper, saying there will be no move to open parliament before October 14 as originally planned.
Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, leader of a faction that broke away from Tsvangirai's party, have pledged to make the deal work. But long-simmering and bitter differences as well as the nation's economic collapse have put the deal under intense pressure. Mugabe, 84, has been in power since independence in 1980 and went from being praised as a liberator who freed the former British colony from minority white rule to being vilified as an autocrat. He and Tsvangirai, 56, have been enemies for a decade, and Tsvangirai has been jailed, beaten, tortured and tried for treason -- charges that were dismissed in court. The power-sharing deal already has been criticised privately by some members of Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change, who are unhappy that it leaves Mugabe as President and head of the government. They fear Mugabe will exploit that, especially by playing on tensions between the two opposition groups. On Tuesday, Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara were to have met to discuss how to share Cabinet posts, but the talks were indefinitely postponed without explanation. It was unclear when the new government would be sworn in.
The agreement provides for 31 ministers -- 15 from Zanu PF, 13 from Tsvangirai's MDC and three from Mutambara's MDC. Allotting those posts will mean pushing out Mugabe loyalists who now hold Cabinet posts. The state-run Herald said the decision-making politburo of Mugabe's party met Tuesday in Harare to discuss the power-sharing agreement, and that the party's central committee was to meet Wednesday. Ruling party officials would not comment on the politburo meeting, the Herald said. Neither Nelson Chamisa, Tsvangirai's spokesman, nor George Charamba, Mugabe's spokesman, would speculate Wednesday on when the new government would be sworn in and get to work. Chamisa, though, said leaders would find a way to swear in Tsvangirai even if the post of Prime Minister did not yet technically exist. Continued political delay means only more time before dire economic problems can be addressed. A resurgence of violence, though, seemed unlikely.
The country has been largely calm since June, and both Mugabe and his rivals say they want the agreement to work. Chamisa said the delays were worrying in the tense country. "Clearly there is anxiety in the country," Chamisa said. "People would want to see movement in terms of the realisation of the actual deal. As the MDC, we want to urgently respond to the desperate and dire situation Zimbabweans find themselves in." Charamba, though, said he was confident talks would soon be on track. He said he was spending Wednesday at his farm outside Harare while Mugabe addressed a meeting of top party officials in Harare in preparation for further talks with the other parties. "If I was worried, I would have been in Harare," Charamba said. Zimbabwe has the world's highest inflation rate even by the official figure of at 11 million percent, and independent economists put it much higher. Food and other basics are scare, and aid agencies say more and more Zimbabweans are going hungry.
The international Red Cross said Wednesday its trucks would leave warehouses in the main Zimbabwe cities of Harare, Bulawayo and Mutare, carrying maize, beans and cooking oil for some 24,000 needy Zimbabweans. More shipments will follow in coming months. The nation's central bank put a new 1,000 Zimbabwe dollar note into circulation Wednesday, an acknowledgment of inflation's effect on the buying power of the 500 Zimbabwe note that had been the largest denomination. Central bank governor Gideon Gono, who has been struggling to address the financial crisis, told The Herald the political settlement gave him hope.
This story has also been published on the newzimbabwe website.
LEADERS of the parties to the power-sharing agreement are expected to meet in Harare today to determine which ministries would be apportioned to which party as a prelude to the appointment of Cabinet.
President Mugabe, Prime Minister-designate Mr Morgan Tsvangirai and Deputy Prime Minister-designate Professor Arthur Mutambara appended their signatures to the agreement on Monday at a ceremony attended by 10 Sadc leaders and diplomats from various countries accredited to Zimbabwe.
Addressing a media briefing yesterday evening, Zanu-PF chief negotiator in the inter-party dialogue Cde Patrick Chinamasa, said the meeting would discuss the allocation of the 31 ministries that would make the new all-inclusive Government.
"President Mugabe will meet tomorrow (today) Mr Tsvangirai and Professor Mutambara so that they decide or finalise which ministries and deputy ministries would go to which party.
"We hope the issue would be finalised tomorrow (today). The meeting to choose who goes to which ministry would be convened later," Cde Chinamasa said.
He however, said no information was available on when the Cabinet appointments would be announced.
Cde Chinamasa, who is also Zanu-PF media and information sub-committee chairman, said the 74th Ordinary Session of the Central Committee had "unanimously endorsed with no objections" the report on the inter-party dialogue that led to the power sharing agreement.
The main agenda of the Central Commi-ttee was the talks with Cde Chinamasa and Cde Nicholas Goche, who represented Zanu-PF in the dialogue, briefing members.
"The report was well-received and endorsed by the Central Committee."
He said members, however, raised concern over "the unruly behaviour of MDC-T supporters during the signing ceremony on Monday.
"This crude and primitive behaviour manifested itself during the Official Opening of the First Session of the Seventh Parliament and the Central Committee expressed grave concern over the actions of their supporters.
"They said if the pattern continues, it would affect the relationship that has been
created between the parties.
"The meeting also asked President Mugabe to raise these concerns with Tsvangirai and the issue would be raised during the meeting tomorrow (today)," he said.
Cde Chinamasa said Zanu-PF had also received reports of violent acts being perpetrated by MDC-T supporters.
"We have received reports of violent acts against our members across the country. This started on Monday and has been taking place across the country. President Mugabe has been asked to raise and demand that the MDC-T desist from such violent acts.
"It is unfortunate that these violent acts are occurring at a time when we are beginning a new era in the country and such behaviour does not make the co-operation between the parties succeed," he said.
The three main political parties agreed to a political settlement last week and President Mugabe, Mr Tsvangirai and Professor Mutambara formally appended their signatures to the agreement on Monday
The agreement paves way for the formation of an al-inclusive Government. President Mugabe as Head of State and Government appoint his vice presidents and the Prime Minister.
There will be two deputy prime ministers, one from each MDC formation.
Under the agreement Zanu-PF will have 15 ministers, MDC-T 13 and MDC three to reflect the distribution of the popular vote during the parliamentary election on March 29.
Redifining Masculinity:" Are we getting any closer to attaining a gender equal society in Africa?"
This article was written by Ronald Jongwe a Zimbabwean poet. He advocates for the respect recognition and observance of human rights for all including women.
While I was in hospital a few weeks ago I overheard an argument that made me ask a lot of questions. The feamale nurses in one of the wards were mocking one male nurse and "accusing" him of having taken up a ladies' job. I felt sorry for the poor fellow as he could not say much to justify why he had chosen the profession. His only arguement was that this was a new world where eqaul opportunities should be granted to all irregardless of sex or gender. As the arguement went on I wished I could jump out of my bed and help the brother but unfortunately my health condition could not allow me. When the arguement finally eneded one question that kept on recurring in my mind was, "Are we getting any closer to attaining a gender just society in Africa or we are still a thousand miles away?"
Most people will agree with me that if we are serious about creating a gender just society where man and women are seen as eqauls in all spectrums of the society then such an agenda should not only be a women's agenda but a society's agenda that should start to be pushed at early stages of life such as the primary socialisation phase. As long as our African society continues to raise the boy child and girl child differently keeping them from engaging the same opportunities to pursue their self determination and to decide the best options to attaining individual accomplishements, then our quest torwards redifined masculinities and gender assertive societies might remain a futile chase after the wind.
Over the past years if not decades gender activists have offered and proposed numerous solutions aimed not only at ending poverty but also redeeming African women from the yoke of patriachal exploitation and dormination. While there are notable victories in as far as the emancipation of women in africa is concerned the reality is that much work still needs to be done as such victories might remain theoretical.
Given the current nature of our African societies where the total humanity of women is still being denied people who push for positive changes towards the current gender relations will find themselves faced with a big obstacle on their way. Personal expiriences complimented by stories and happennings from all over the continent are barely adeqaute and clear evidence that creating a gender just society in Africa is possible but it will require a lot of hard work, patience, resources and willingness not only from women but also from governments, men, NGOs, the youth and other interested parties. I'm not being chauvinistic nor am I being persimistic but a total transformation of the society's norms, values, ethos and attitudes towards the way we see our female conterparts is not an event or a strall in the park but an ongoing process that requires total commitment from all concerned parties and stake holders.
Over the years women groups, gender activists, pressure groups and some NGOs have proposed various intervention strategies that can be used in attaining a gender just society. These strategies include but are not limited to the following: peer education, constitutional amendments and policy reforms at company, government, regional, continental and international level amongst others. In reference to the last strategy most African governments are signatories to these protocols, conventions, declarations and charters that aim at emancipating women and creating a gender assretive society, such as The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Beijing Platform of Action, Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women(CEDAW) and The Protocol of The African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa.
When ever such instruments are signed there is ululation, celebration and jubilation from different organisations and individuals from different member countries as such signings are seen as positive steps towards the attainment of total gender eqaulity. However the patriachal set-ups and systems which are still inherent in most governments have resulted in most of these instruments being signed and never put into practice at country level. While there are other reasons behind the failure of attaining total gender equity, the failure and inability by most governments to translate international instruments into local laws can be seen as a majoor hinderance towards attaining gender just societies. As long as there is no domestication of these international and continental charters and protocols then our efforts could still be hitting a brick wall as these instruments will just pile and no action will be unfolding on the ground.
All having been said and done it should be borne in mind that it is not only the responsibilty of governments and NGOs to work towards the attainment of gender equity but everyones' responsibility because until and unless we accept that men and women are eqaul in every aspect we will never ever succeed in curbing social practices that degrade women and totally eradicate cultural practices that discriminate women such as virginity testing, pledging of girls for the appeasing of spirits and genital mutilation among other practices. In the fight for a gender just society men should thus be engaged at all levels and as eqaul partners if we are to make any ,meaningful change. However gender equity in Africa can remain a pipe dream if there are no combined efforts from all sectors of the society and if people do not walk the talk and translate their words into action. Furthermore governments have large role to play as they should ensure that there are adeqaute systems to enforce gender equity related reforms and effective domestication and implementation of international instruments. Given that the youth are tomorrows leaders we should also be seen to be playing a pivotal role towards the attainment of a gender just Africa, as such we should also demand that resources be alocated towards the domestication and implemantation of these international and continental instuments that our countries are signatories to. Furthermore we should openly condemn and denounce discriminating practices and values that constantly put at risk the physical and moral integrity of women. Lastly while much has been written and said and declarations, conventions, charters and protocols have been attended and signed with the aim of emancipating not only the African woman but the global women lot, the biggest stride is in translating words into action if we are to make any meaningful change.Let's walk the talk and talk the walk.
The Zimbabwe Poets for Human Rights shall be holding a poetry forum on Tuesday 26 August 2008 at the United States Embassy Public Affairs Section, Eastgate 7th floor Harare. The topic of the event is, "Talks, Unity, Democracy."
Will the current talks in Zimbabwe between the sitting president Robert Gabriel Mugabe who was elected alone in a shame one man race on 27 June 2008, Professor Arthur Mutambara the president of the MDC who lost a parlamentary seat in Zengeza West and Morgan Tsvangirai the president of the MDC-T which won the majority of the House of Assebly seats yield any results that are beneficial to the general Zimbawean? Will the talks lead to unity and eventually the democratisation of the troubled nation? ZPHR is holding its poetry forum to explore such possibilities through performances and discussions on the day when the first session of the 8th parliament shall be opened along with the swearing in of the legislators.
The poem below was written by a member of ZPHR who was once a student leader and was subsequently victimised out of college as a result of his radicalism.
Banners
When we rise
Even the pot-bellied politician cannot afford a crooked stammer
They dread our tide like ice dreads summer
Those who bury our dreams will meet our revolutionary hammer
We have no bullets but banners, banners and banners!
written by Anesu"Guerrila" Katerere.
Poetry lovers are invited to attend and also bring friends to participatein the event. There is no admission fee charged. Those who wish to join ZPHR are free to do so and may register their willingness to perform with Robson Shoes, Ronald Jongwe or Michael Mabwe on these numbers, 0912903218,011643718 or 04 702555. The email contact is zimphr@yahoo.co.uk or zimphr@gmail.com .
IS THE DEMOCRATISATION PROCESS NEAR COMPLETION IN ZIMBABWE? IS IT POSSIBLE ANYWAY? 2008 has been characterized by a myriad of political and civic society activity. The 29 March harmonized watershed election saw the people of Zimbabwe voting in an entirely different manner from all the previous general elections. Since 1980, no opposition political party had garnered more votes than the ruling ZANU PF party. However, on 29 March 2008 the opposition Movement for Democratic Change-Tsvangirai (MDC-T) turned the tables as it won the majority of the House of Assembly seats, the local government elections and subsequently beat ZANU PF’s Robert Gabriel Mugabe. Nonetheless, the MDC could not be declared the presidential election winner as it failed to garner the required 50% + 1 vote as per Constitutional Amendment 18. Therefore a run-off election had to be held with the two candidates with the highest number of votes. The delay in the announcement of the election results by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) resulted in the delay of the holding of the run-off election. The run-off election was later held on 27 June 2008. It was a shame one man race as the MDC candidate withdrew from the race as a result of more pronounced torture, harassment, beatings, unlawful arrests, displacements and numerous deaths of MDC supporters. The run up to this run-off election was characterized by anarchy, brutal political violence and massive human rights violations. The state media became more polarized especially in the run up to the run-off. The state owned ZBC TV and Radio stations denied to flight the MDC-T adverts arguing that they created an impression that the MDC-T had already won the election hence there was no need to hold a run-off. The nearer the election grew closer, the more intensified the violence and human rights abuses became. At the moment many are still traumatized by the pre-election terror, many have lost their homes, their loved ones and confidence in the electoral process. The rural populace suspected to be opposition supporters is living in fear. The ZANU PF candidate in the run-off, R.G Mugabe solemnly declared during a campaign rally that one can not be proclaimed president simply because the majority has dipped their little fingers in ink. The war veterans some of them not so young declared to take up arms if Mugabe lost the election. If a candidate declares that no one can take over power through an X, then it means that an election process is just but a formality that can not determine the ultimate winner in that specific election. How then can democracy be achieved where you compete in a race that you are guaranteed not to win even if you win? As the world commemorates the 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights this year, Zimbabweans and the world need to critique their roles in making the democratization process possible? If the military junta can hold 12 million people at ransom only to keep a geriatric leader in power, then Zimbabweans need mourn rather than commemorate with the world.
Ragged and funny
In dire need of money
I bruise the pot-holed streets of the city
Maiming the waste-filled alleys and dirty
Daily I play twinkle-twinkle with death on the razor-sharp edge of humanity.
Once I had a home
Now I cannot pay the dues
Once I went to college
Now I cannot pay the fees
Once I had a wife
Now I cannot afford the price
Poor the result of no economic emancipation
Bound to the street because of some people's creation
In a vacuum-filled belly I try the robber's invention
Oouch! I cry in incaceration
This cry , my cry, I cry
Bound to the street, is it God's case
Bound to the street, the street my place
Bound to the street, the street I hate
Eyes closed, tears drop
The drama of my sleeping mystery
unfolding before my mental eyes like a tapestry
I ravish and languish in hunger
Feeding on left-overs
Left by generous shoppers
Hungry I was, am and still will be
The history but of themhitherto societies is a history of class struggle
and exploitation. How shall I leave the street struggle
In such a society tailor-designed to suffer the helpless
Where the should-be-helpers
Are the pioneers of the exploitation,
Suppression and oppression of the defenceless
As for me and my street-mates
We will travel along singing a song
The song, my cry.
Bound to the street, is it God's case
Bound to the street, the street my place
Bound to the street, the street I hate
I come from far further
I am not a bird of your further
You are a son to your father
You are your mother's daughter
I have non to call father or mother
Neither to call sister nor brother
But pay no attention to criticism like weather
Rather lets read the holy book together
Ang gather as a congregation together
The bread as you gather
Lets break share and eat together.
Until we harness a new philosophy
I will always cry
This cry my cry.
Bound to the street, is it God's case
Bound to the street, the street my place
Bound to the street, the street I hate
The article below is a followup to the conference on youths against crime and violence held in South Africa in July. It was written by Michael Mabwe who was in attendance on behalf of Zimbabwe Poets for Human rights By Michael Mabwe We met in Durban, we dinned and wined, we talked the talk and then talked the walk. Research papers were presented by some renown academics from different parts of the world, plenary sessions were there and people had the opportunity to agree to agree, disagree to disagree, agree to disagree to a certain degree and still remained free. Resolutions and recommendations were made and youths had a rare opportunity to connect and inspire each other. Yet when all this has been said and done, what remains to be seen is the extent to which people are going to walk the talk and to what extent they will be successful.
At the centre of the whole debate were the youths. In fact the whole summit was about the youths in relation to crime and violence prevention in their cities. I felt empowered and challenged at the same time and I could see myself going back to Zimbabwe to challenge other youths but one thing kept my mind doubting. It was because of the environment back home.
I will maintain that the Durban summit was good and helpful, especially to those youths who have conducive environments back home to implement what they learnt from sharing experiences with other youths. For Zimbabwe, due to the prevailing circumstances, I wondered then as I am wondering now whether the summit became the case of a perfect platform but wrong target. For me, it became meaningless to have empowered youths who are eager to reduce or actually stop crime and violence in their cities yet the systems in the environment that they are going to operate actually fuels crime and violence.
When you have a system of government that is a direct beneficiary of crime and violence for its survival. A system that has created evil systems to strengthen its already corrupt system. The first step would be therefore to deal with changing that system in its totality and put in place new and better systems if the war against crime and violence is to be won in Zimbabwe. In my own view there is an urgent need to target those who preside over this system, our leaders, gate keepers as well as policy and decision makers for our struggle against crime and violence to yield.
Despite presiding over the demise of our once beloved country from Great Zimbabwe to Zimbabwe in ruins they have gone on to create a conducive environment for the breeding of crime and violence. This they have done with demonic efficiency, distinguished and unquestionable success. They shall answer. Through their ill informed, ill thought and politically motivated decisions they have went on to implement some not so human descisions. One that quickly comes to mind is Operation Murambatsvina through which they destroyed people's homes on the pretext that they were harbouring criminals and opposition elements who wanted to institute a coup against the gerontocracy, Robert Mugabe's government .In the process they destroyed the informal sector through which many people depended on for survival. The result was to leave thousands of people desperate destitutes. With nowhere to stay and no income generating activities at their disposal, these people became potential criminals and their ghosts haunt us every night and day.
The government continues to create structures (or is it infrastructures?) of violence throughout the country. The establishment of the Border Gezi training centres in the run up to the 2002 election where young people were given an overdose of Zanu PF propaganda disguised as the proper history of the liberation war did a perfect job to create stooges and willing accomplices of the government to perpetrate violence and engage in criminal activities unperturbed. They shall also answer. The efficient use of hate language and creation of political bases where people sympathetic to the opposition were beaten, tortured, maimed, butchered and killed even in broad day light confirms the determination of the satanic authorities that be to hold on to power even when the people they purport to be leading have rejected them. The illegal regime has thus not only cultivated a culture of violence but has created strong and intact structures of violence which unfortunately they are willing to sustain.
Under these circumstances where you have a government which is supposed to be putting mechanisms to prevent crime and violence doing exactly the opposite thing it becomes difficult for us as the youths to be effective in our endeavours to reduce crime and violence. When a regime openly defies and violates international conventions and protocols to which it is signatory to and all that the International community does is to quickly gather in luxurious hotels using tax payers' monies only to confirm the obvious, issue harmless statements and take no action, what shall the youths say and do? I resonate with one member of the Zimbabwe Poets for Human Rights, Robson Shoes who wrote in one of his poem that
"What shall we say and do When they use violence as a tool To keep their elite few In top rule Shunning majority rule And treating the majority as one fool What shall we say and do"
Logic and not magic tells me that for campaigns against crime and violence to be effective in Zimbabwe we need first to restore the rule of law and stop the law of rule. The judiciary must be depoliticized. Day after day, minute after minute, minister after minister and leader after leader continue to silently walk to the grave yard to bury the little moral fabric and legal power left in our judiciary system. This march from somewhere to nowhere must stop now and the march from somewhere to somewhere must honestly and earnestly begin.
The government has become the nerve centre of the causes of crime and violence in Zimbabwe. It goes without saying, actually it is mind boggling how we can come to expect to reduce crime and violence when people are living in an economically violent environment. Everything about life in Zimbabwe is now violent. The economic, social, and political environment is too violent for anyone to play any meaningful role in crime and violence prevention. The Zimbabwean environment right now naturally motivates people to commit crimes in order to survive. With the country having been reduced from the bread basket of Africa to a basket case crime has actually become a basic survival skill. The solution is therefore to make sure that the nerve centre catches a cold so that the whole nation can sneeze crime and violence away.
I must at this point emphasise that this struggle should not be about replacing one individual with another. It should never be about personalities, never about people's ages but the age of their ideas. It is about replacing tired evil systems that have been tried and tested and failed for the past twenty eight years with better systems we can trust against crime and violence. This should not be limited to Zimbabwe only, it should be done across Africa, across the world. The reason why Robert Mugabe can afford to conduct a violent one man shame of an election and continue to stay with full approval and blessings of other SADC and AU leaders within their midst is not because he is wise or intelligent and invincible. It is because most of them are presiding over evil systems. Their hands are full of crimes against humanity, they are corrupt, they have blood, they steal and they have killed or have potential to kill for power's sake. They are birds of the same feather.
The struggle against violence and crime should therefore make our leaders and other gate keepers prime targets. Once these are converted and begin to walk the talk then a conducive environment for youths to play any meaningful role would result. All the other factors can then come to play. We can then start to effectively use sport as a means of fighting crime and violence. We as artists, as weapons of mass instruction, as sirens and human rights megaphones can start to effectively ring and make loud holy noise against violence. We will begin to be able to take our campaigns and information to people's doorsteps in a language they do not only understand but enjoy listening to. Unless and until that is done I see us fighting a battle that we intend to lose.
We are willing tools in the struggle against violence in our cities, infact we feel duty bound and believe that it is our generational mandate to reduce crime and violence. It's just unfortunate that the vessels against crime and violence are leaking from the top. As summit participants, we found ourselves in the situation that the Organisation of African Unity found itself in 1963. Heads of governments met and an organization was formed, the Organisation of African Unity. The name was indeed appropriate, no unity had been achieved, only a declaration to work for it. Much remained to be done to achieve unity, much also remains to be done to get rid of crime and violence.
He is a Zimbabwean poet, stage and tv actor.A sagittarian born in the dusty township of Martin Spur, he did his primary and secondary education at Martin Spur Primary and Secondary before joining Jameson high school for high school studies.He was born in a family of three boys and he happens to be the youngest.
As a poet he has perfomed at various foras like the Harare International Festival of Arts (HIFA), Zimbabwe International Book Fair and others. He is the Programmes Manager of Zimbabwe Poets For Human Right (ZPHR).
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